Wednesday, October 30, 2019
History of Race, Sport, and Culture in Modern America Essay
History of Race, Sport, and Culture in Modern America - Essay Example The issue of racial differences between black and white races has come into special focus with the enormous strides being made in genetic mapping and other scientific protocols that attempt to pinpoint the markers of human biodiversity. One application for these studies in eugenic is determining the reason for the dominance of African Americans in sports. This paper will provide a summary of the studies and issues that deal with the social, cultural and political nuances of genetic racial differences in American sports history. The research used for this paper included online journals, commentaries from sports analysts and articles from the Jon Entine Website. There was also considerable material that gave insights on the various viewpoints for and against the concept of racial differences as a determinant of athletic prowess. The history of football, basketball, baseball, track and field and boxing were investigated as it pertained to African Americans, as well as the issues and controversies that attended the progress of African American athletes. Related research that dealt with the social implications of genetics and statistics that illustrated the trends in sports were also included. Jon Entine's book released in 2000 entitled Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and Why We Are Afraid to Talk About It has been vilified by equal rights advocates as a thinly veiled attempt to further propagate racism in sports. However, at this point, the historical insight into African American participation in sports as provided in the book and various other sources will be briefly discussed. (Mosley) It is in the US that the stereotype of the "dumb jock" proliferated in society. In essence, it embodies the idea that physical prowess is inversely proportionate to intellectual capacity, a popular generalization that is the heart of the controversy behind African American athletic ability. (Entine) In European history athletic prowess was considered an indication of intelligence, and leaders were often chosen among the most successful fighters and best warriors. However, the 19th century saw the proliferation of pseudo sciences in Europe that claimed to quantify intelligence and other human characteristics by measuring the skull and other body parts. (Entine) The work of physician Samuel George Morton, for example, popularized the idea of eugenics and racial differences by using craniometry, or the ranking of racial intelligence based on the typical skull size of a certain race. His collection of 600 skulls was the basis of modern day racism in the US, where Asians and Caucasians are ranked at the top of the craniometrical scale while Africans and Native Americans were near the bottom. Many accepted this as incontrovertible truth that races like the Africans and Jews are less civilized, and thus inferior. (Entine) This began the ranking of racial and ethnic groups in which, unremarkably, white Europeans came out as the most superior intellectually and those of African descent were relegated to almost animal-like status. (Entine) The nineteenth century also saw the establishment of racial discrimination as a matter of public policy because Europeans did not want interracial mixing in their population. Their basis for discrimination were IQ tests that revealed that those of
Monday, October 28, 2019
Greatest Speeches of All Time - Franklin Roosevelts Speech Essay Example for Free
Greatest Speeches of All Time Franklin Roosevelts Speech Essay In his first paragraph, Roosevelt states that he is certain that his fellow Americans expect he will address them with honesty and a decision which the people will push forward. He also states that this is the distinguished time to speak the truth. That Americans should not shrink from honestly facing conditions in their country today. America will endure as it has endured and will revive and flourish. So first of all, he will support his firm belief that the only thing they have to fear is fear itself- unjustified terror which stops needed efforts to transform retreat into advance. He makes a point about how values have shrunken dramatically as taxes have risen, ability to pay has fallen, the government is faced by diminishment of income, exchange means are frozen in trade, the industrial enterprise is falling (ââ¬Å"withered leavesâ⬠), farmers cannot sell produce, savings of families are gone and there are going to be more unemployed citizens. He speaks about how America doesnââ¬â¢t have the problems they once had with loss of produce and how ââ¬Å"our forefathers conqueredâ⬠and that Americanââ¬â¢s should appreciate it. He says that the country has many resources and shouldnââ¬â¢t waste them, like leaders have wasted resources before, whether it was because they stubborn or just plain dumb, they have passed on these habits to their future rulers. He acknowledges that they have tried, but their efforts were in vain. They have only ever proposed the lending of money. People before him have not had the choice to lure people to follow him by using money promises; they resorted to persuading the people through ââ¬Å"pleading tearfully for restored confidence. These people had no vision and only knew the rules of a generation of self-seekers, and with this vision people perish. He acknowledges that social values are more important than money values and that is where the restoration should begin. He also acknowledges that money doesnââ¬â¢t bring you happiness but the joy of achievement does. He also acknowledges that the joy and moral side of work no longer need to be forgotten in the chase of diminishing profits. He also states that recognition of material wealth being the standard of success being a false idea going hand in hand with the ââ¬Å"abandonment of the false belief that public office and political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profitâ⬠, also that there must be an end to the wrong doing to the citizens who trust in banking and in business. If the nation is to be restored both ethics must be changed and action must be taken. He recognises action needs to be taken so that more people are in the workforce and are able to get into the workforce. He states that we must recognise that most of the population lives in the city and that the land should be put to better use. This can be achieved by raising the value of agricultural products and with this power to purchase the output of cities. It can be helped by preventing the tragedy of the growing loss of small homes and farms. It also helped by insistence that the federal, state and local governments act on demand to have their costs reduced. If national planning for supervision of all forms of transportation and communication were in place it would also help. He states that it cannot merely be helped by talking about it and actions must be put in place quickly. He states that to return to the safeguard of work there must be strict supervision of all banking and credits and investment, there must be end to speculation with other peopleââ¬â¢s money and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency. He goes on to explain how he will fill his duties in a fulfilling way. The event the speech addresses: The event the speech addresses was Inauguration Day, 1933. This marked the commencement of a four year term. On this day there was a swearing in ceremony which consisted of Roosevelt taking an oath of office and delivering a speech. This speech outlined that Roosevelt understood that the American Constitution had proved itself as an enduring modern political mechanism and how Roosevelt planned to ease the effects of the Great Depression. Profile of Franklin Roosevelt: Franklin Delano Roosevelt was born in 1882 at Hyde Park, New York. Hyde Park (New York) is most famous for being the hometown of Roosevelt and his grandfathersââ¬â¢ home is located near the Riverview Circle of the Hudson River. He was born as the only child of James Roosevelt and Sara Ann Delano Roosevelt. He was born into a family of riches and the sense of self importance. He was educated by tutors and governesses and his upbringing was far different from the common people. In 1896 he attended Groton school for boys where he found it hard to fit in as most of the boys excelled at athletics while he did not. After graduating in 1900, Roosevelt attended Harvard University and Columbia Law School but in 1907 he passed the bar exam yet didnââ¬â¢t receive a degree. In 1905, on St. Patrickââ¬â¢s Day he married Eleanor Roosevelt, his fifth cousin, niece of Theodore Roosevelt, also his fifth cousin. Theodore Roosevelt was Franklin Rooseveltââ¬â¢s idol and Roosevelt aimed to follow in his footsteps. Theodore Roosevelt became commander-in-chief in 1901 after William McKinley was assassinated and president in 1904 after winning second term. Roosevelt won a seat in the New York senate in 1901. He was stricken with Polio in 1921, but not many people knew exactly how paralysed he was as he was never seen in a wheelchair. He fought to regain the use of his legs though hydrotherapy. Franklin Roosevelt was the only president to be elected four times. Roosevelt had become the 32nd President of the United States in 1933. In 1935 many members of the public were against Rooseveltââ¬â¢s New Deal program even though the Nation had received some measure of recovery as national product went up and unemployment went down. The New Deal program was a series of domestic programs enacted in the United States between 1933 and 1936. Roosevelt was re-elected in 1936 by a huge margin. Roosevelt had pledged the United States to the good neighbour policy, when France fell and England came under siege in 1940, he began to send Great Britain all possible aid short of actual military involvement. Hopes of keeping America out of the war ended on December 7, 1941 when Japan attacked Pearl Harbour. Roosevelt helped in the area of advising military personnel and did this successfully in 1942 in an invasion on South Africa, in 1943 in both Italy and Sicily and followed by the D-Day invasion in Europe in 1944. During this time Roosevelt also promoted the formation of the United Nations (UN). Also in 1944 Roosevelt had been tested and diagnosed with many problems but despite this he ran for president with his running mate Harry S. Truman who he nominated as his senator and won 36 of 48 states, yet again becoming president. In February, 1945, Roosevelt attended the Yalta Conference which was held to discuss after-war reorganisation with British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and Soviet General Secretary Joseph Stalin. Roosevelt died on the afternoon of April 12th in 1945, as the World War II came to a close from a cerebral haemorrhage. His passing shocked America even though people knew he looked exhausted in photographs and news reels, no one was prepared for his passing. Historical Analysis: Rooseveltââ¬â¢s presidency had forever changed the United States and the way it was run. He led a country through the Great Depression, as well as the greatest war in human history, and his social programs during the Great Depression have redefined the role of government in Americansââ¬â¢ lives. He established the United States leadership on the world stage through his role in World War II. The 12 years he spent in the White House had redefined liberalism and set a precedent for the expansion of presidential power for future generations.
Saturday, October 26, 2019
Joan of Arc :: History
Joan of Arc Joan of Arc is a French National Heroine who became a Saint of the Roman Catholic Church because of her great achievements. Joan was a simple peasant girl who rescued France from defeat in one of the darkest periods of the "Hundred years' war" with England. She led the French army to victory against the English and paved the way for the coronation of King Charles VII. Joan has become one of the most admired characters in European history. As France was struggling during the Hundred years' war, a young peasant girl was born in the small town of Domrà ©my. Joan was born on January 6, 1412, which was a very unstable time for France. The English and Burgundians ruled much of the country and France was suffering. The Royal Family was weak, the King was insane and Charles the Dauphin, future King, was a coward. Total defeat was not far away. Joan was born a peasant, however, she was to bring the French new inspiration and succeed in driving out the English. Joan was like any other peasant girl in the 15th century. She could not read or write, but she worked hard on her father's farm and acquired her faith and prayers from her mother. In the village she was remembered as a good and simple girl. She had three brothers and a sister who died young. As a peasant, she always remained close to home and didn't even consider leaving the village until she was thirteen and had begun hearing voices. She identified the voice as that of God, telling her that she would have to perform a great task. By age sixteen, she had visions and heard the voices of Saint Margaret, Saint Michael and Saint Catherine sending her on a sacred mission. She must go to the aid of the Dauphin and liberate France from English domination. In 1429 Joan left her home and traveled to the court of the Dauphin. He feared her voices might be from the devil, therefore, he sent a priest to test her. He found no harm and she at last made her way to Chinon were she would find the King. However, when she arrived, the king was hidden among courtiers and although she had never seen him before she recognized him immediately and made straight for him. The King was anxious to believe her voices and therefore he reassembled his troops and placed them under Joan's command.
Thursday, October 24, 2019
Culloden Case Essay
Culloden is not an action film, or a historical documentary, it is a historical deconstruction.à It serves to retell the events of the battle of Culloden as they really occurred.à Culloden was not the patriotic battles filled with the heroes that are portrayed in history books, it was an occurrence of bloody mass slaughter and ethnic cleansing. Through filming the events in a documentary style and vividly reconstructing events, the Director of Culloden, Peter Watkins, represents the horror of war in a true and realistic manner and allows the viewer to feel as though they are witnessing events first hand.à This technique, coupled with rapid editing, loud noises and tight close-ups brings the horror of the events home to the viewer and any images of the battle that a viewer may have previously held are completely lost. Within the documentary the deficiencies of the myths contained in history books and stories are revealed.à The character of Bonnie Prince Charlie, for example, is not portrayed as the romantic hero with whom people traditionally associate, rather he is revealed as an incompetent fool who self obsession leads to the murder of innocent civilians and soldiers. The presence of the British historian commenting on events from a safe distance is aimed squarely at pinpointing exactly how this reality becomes distorted over time.à The disjoint between the events on the field and the historianââ¬â¢s reaction to them serves to show how events such as this are dramatized.à Even in the midst of the bloodshed and the violence the historian views events with bias, commenting on them in an animated and vibrant fashion. The film draws the viewerââ¬â¢s attention to a number of factors that are traditionally forgotten in the heroic tales of war; it is an extremely terrifying event where innocent people die, the soldiers themselves suffer horrendously from the events and dreadful mistakes are made.à Whilst the bravery of the men who fight these wars should be remembered, so should the reality of what occurred on the battlefields.
Wednesday, October 23, 2019
Optimism and Health Benefits Essay
ââ¬Å"Even the darkest night will end and the sun will rise.â⬠This quote from Victor Hugo is a perfect example of optimism. When someone is optimistic, they have a disposition or tendency to look on the more favorable side of events or conditions and to expect the most favorable outcome. Optimism is simply a mental game. The brain can interpret situations or events as being optimized; meaning that some factors may not be fully comprehendible, yet having confidence that the present moment is in an optimist state. This understanding, although criticized by counter views such as pessimism, realism, and idealism, leads to a state of mind that believes everything is as it should be. With optimism, someone contains hopefulness and confidence about the future or the successful outcome of something. Not only does optimism give someone confidence, it also provides many health benefits and a sense of purpose in life. ââ¬Å"Is your glass half empty, or half full?â⬠This saying is a common idiom that illustrates optimism versus pessimism; an optimist is said to see the glass half full, and a pessimist sees the glass as half empty. Winston Churchill provides another unique understanding of this idea: ââ¬Å"The optimist sees opportunity in every danger; the pessimist sees danger in every opportunity,â⬠The defining characteristic of pessimists is that they tend to believe bad events will last a long time, will undermine everything they do, and are their own fault. The optimists, who are confronted with the same problems of the world, think about misfortune in the opposite way. They tend to believe defeat is just a temporary setback. Provoked by a bad situation, they perceive is as a challenge to try harder. If the thoughts that run through oneââ¬â¢s head are mostly negative, their outlook on life is more likely to be pessimistic. There is nothing better in life than having a peace of mind that no matter what the troubles are that life may bring, everything will be okay and that life has so much to offer. Unfortunately this peace of mind does not happen over-night, it takes years of trials and experience s to be able to see the bright side of any given situation. People are not automatically born with optimism; they have to experience negative circumstances in order to find the strength to be optimistic in general. Without hardships, optimism would not grow. Optimism often starts with self-talk. These endless streams of unspoken thoughts can either be positive, or negative. Optimism does not mean that one keeps their head in the sand and ignore lifeââ¬â¢s less unpleasant situations, it just means that the approach to the unpleasantness is in a more positive and productive way. With this approach to any given situation, stress can be reduced. Often timeââ¬â¢s people upset themselves over something minute, causing a lack of sleep, unhealthy eating habits, hostile mood, etc. What they do not know is that with a simple thought of, ââ¬Å"I can do this,â⬠or ââ¬Å"It will be okay,â⬠their whole stream of thoughts eventually start following that positive pattern, changing their whole mood, reducing stress, and increasing their chances of overcoming obstacles. Not only does an optimistic view reduce stress, it also decreases the risks of cardiovascular disease, hypertension, and infections. Optimism itself, not just its association with happiness, lowers anxiety, thus causing less hostility, and has the potential to lower the risk of a stroke. U.S. researchers followed more than 97,000 women for about eight years. Measures of optimism and cynical hostility were strongly associated with these outcomes: Optimists had a lower incidence of heart disease and total mortality. Conversely, cynical hostility, which is a lack of confidence and increased bitterness, was associated with both higher overall mortality and cancer-related effects. Along with positive health benefits, optimism also gives someone a sense of purpose. American psychologist, Salvatore Maddi, co-author of Resilience at Work: How to Succeed No Matter What Life Throws at You, extensively studied what makes executives tough in the face of work-related stress. He found that the healthiest of executives shared three characteristics: a feeling of commitment, a sense of control in their lives, and an acceptance of lifeââ¬â¢s stressful moments as challenges rather than threats. This research confirms that having a sense of commitment to a purpose does not merely give someone meaning; it makes them more resistant to the impact of stressful living. This view on optimism can increase oneââ¬â¢s chances of succeeding their goals or dreams, and not allowing negative situations to hinder their attitude. With hopefulness that their goals will be achieved, their motivation is amplified as well. Optimism is a way of life that is not learned automatically, it takes time and effort to completely change oneââ¬â¢s mindset. This mindset has many positive effects. A firm confidence in oneââ¬â¢s self develops, and they have self-assurance that no matter what life throws at them, it is completely possible to overcome those obstacles. Optimists tend to believe that defeat is not their fault; circumstances, bad luck, or other people bring it about. Such people are unfazed by defeat. Optimism not only gives one confidence, but also provides a countless number of health benefits. With an optimistic attitude, depression can be reversed. Although it takes time to get out of a slump, just the start of positive self-talk can remove one out of despair. Positive self-talk also reduces stress and the chance of cardiovascular disease, hypertension, and strokes. A sense of purpose also develops with someone who acquires an optimistic mentality. A sense of purpose does not only give someone meaning, it helps them to overcome the stresses that life brings. Optimism merely starts with a simple ââ¬Å"I will be okay.â⬠It takes small steps, but it is completely possible for one to change their outlook on life and not let circumstances defeat oneââ¬â¢s life.
Tuesday, October 22, 2019
Free Essays on Homlessness In America
The United States of America is often referred to as ââ¬Å"the land of the freeâ⬠or ââ¬Å"the greatest country in the world.â⬠But for people who actually live here and see tens of thousands of men, women, and children walking the streets everyday with no home to go to, it is hard to believe that people could even categorized this country with a name so impressive. I agree that homelessness is not a problem just of the United States it is one of the world and we must work together to find a way to solve it. (1) In many ways, homelessness represents a new social problem. Excluding during the time of the Great Depression, women and children have never before been on our nationââ¬â¢s streets in such significant numbers. During the 1980s, cutbacks in government benefits attached with rapidly increasing rents and a scarcity of low-income housing jeopardized the stability of all people on reduced or fixed incomes. As a result, the nationââ¬â¢s population of homeless families swelled from almost minor numbers to nearly 1.4 million. In the United States, 3.5 million people experience homelessness during the course of a year. Families are the fastest growing segment of the homeless population, accounting for almost 40 percent of the nationââ¬â¢s homeless. (3) What still confounds many Americans, however is why homeless appears to have become an unchallengeable socio-economic condition in this nation, such that our children may not know an America without it. Most of us can agree that Ameri ca has a strong economy, jobs are available so why doesnââ¬â¢t the ââ¬Å"American Dreamâ⬠work for everybody? (8) As easy as it seems it is also frustrating that our political leaders in both the White House and Congress have shifted away from the need to address the systematic causes of homelessness and focus nearsightedly and simplistically on the individual responsibility of those who become homeless for the misfortune deemed to be of their own making. It is this nai... Free Essays on Homlessness In America Free Essays on Homlessness In America The United States of America is often referred to as ââ¬Å"the land of the freeâ⬠or ââ¬Å"the greatest country in the world.â⬠But for people who actually live here and see tens of thousands of men, women, and children walking the streets everyday with no home to go to, it is hard to believe that people could even categorized this country with a name so impressive. I agree that homelessness is not a problem just of the United States it is one of the world and we must work together to find a way to solve it. (1) In many ways, homelessness represents a new social problem. Excluding during the time of the Great Depression, women and children have never before been on our nationââ¬â¢s streets in such significant numbers. During the 1980s, cutbacks in government benefits attached with rapidly increasing rents and a scarcity of low-income housing jeopardized the stability of all people on reduced or fixed incomes. As a result, the nationââ¬â¢s population of homeless families swelled from almost minor numbers to nearly 1.4 million. In the United States, 3.5 million people experience homelessness during the course of a year. Families are the fastest growing segment of the homeless population, accounting for almost 40 percent of the nationââ¬â¢s homeless. (3) What still confounds many Americans, however is why homeless appears to have become an unchallengeable socio-economic condition in this nation, such that our children may not know an America without it. Most of us can agree that Ameri ca has a strong economy, jobs are available so why doesnââ¬â¢t the ââ¬Å"American Dreamâ⬠work for everybody? (8) As easy as it seems it is also frustrating that our political leaders in both the White House and Congress have shifted away from the need to address the systematic causes of homelessness and focus nearsightedly and simplistically on the individual responsibility of those who become homeless for the misfortune deemed to be of their own making. It is this nai...
Monday, October 21, 2019
African Media Structures and Content
African Media Structures and Content Free Online Research Papers A liberal pluralist approach to understanding African media structures and their content Understanding African media structures and their content can be very complex especially taking into consideration the fact that the continent has embraced democracy. This is mainly so because the media in Africa has mainly two extremes functions. On the one hand the media play a ââ¬Å"watchdogâ⬠role and on the other it play public relation service to the government. Given these two extremes of media structures it is evident that not any media approach can help one to understand media structures within such a context. However it is also a fact that given the democratization of the African continent, the media must inform citizens on matters of public policy by presenting and debating alternatives. Hence the liberal pluralist approach appears to be the best approach in understanding African media structures because it looks into the media as a ââ¬Ëwatchdogââ¬â¢ that may uncover and publicize political corruption, other abuses of power, and inept policies. However it is also crucial that the problems of the media in Africa, such as the crisis of power, the crisis of ownership and the crisis of resources are acknowledged. It is pivotal that a liberal pluralist approach that is only interested in ending state ownership and control of the media without considering alternatives be avoided. By and large what is important is that a liberal pluralist approach reminds journalists and state leaders that they are accountable to the nation. Introduction Understanding media structures from an African perspective is tantamount to recognizing political developments over the last decade of the 20th century throughout the African continent. Historically most if not all countries in the African continent used to be colonies of western and European countries. However the last years of the 20th century, most African countries witnessed a rise in the democratization of their governments. This resulted in the phasing out of one party states and dictatorship. Most if not all countries started calling for free and elected democratic governments throughout the African continent. It is imperative to mention from the onset that the media are among the forces that have shaped and continued to define the establishment of democracy in Africa. It is also crucial to point out that in spite of the significant role of the media in the development and consolidation of democratic governance in Africa, there have been several influences where states misused or completely did not respect the role of the media in society. As a result it become difficult if not impossible to assess and understand how media influences politics of the day. It therefore becomes critical to evaluate the importance of media structures in the wake of African democracies. The theoretical approach that can make this evaluation resourceful is the liberal pluralist because of its ââ¬Å"watchdogâ⬠focus and interest in upholding and protecting individual freedom in the face of government indoctrination. As a result of the above discussion this essay will endeavour to find out why a liberal pluralist approach to media appear the most insightful theory to understanding African media structures and their content. To achieve this goal this essay will first try to assess the role of the media in the democratization of Africa. In the same token the essay will also rewind a little bit by looking at the rationale behind the liberal pluralist approach. But it will be unfair to discuss African media structures without putting the entire media structures challenges into context. Hence the essay will try to discuss everything from the perspective of the three major crises of the media in Africa as identified by Paul A. V. Ansah (Ronning, 1994:02-11). Media and African democracy The demise of one party regimes and development of multi party systems and democracy in Africa resulted in a demand for more democratic structures (Ronning, 1994: 02). There are many theories and definitions of democracy and the process of democratization. With the emphasis on the role of the media in democracy, Winseck in Fourie and Oosthuisen (2003) characterized democracy as the historical process of eliminating totalitarianism in the state, civil society and in economic practices. It is clear that through the media and access to information and the formation of a strong public opinion about the values of democracy, the media play a crucial role in the democratic process (2003:417). Fourie and Oosthuisen argue that apart from the adoption of democratic, political and legal frameworks, democracy also means and involves the processes that allow the procedures of achieving the democratic goals of society to be opened up to citizen participation through [the media] (ibid). It is also critical at this stage to point out that to live in a democracy and to live democratically, means that the adoption of rules and laws of a society are shaped through the media that are open to all. Fourie contends that it is not enough to say that [a country] have a democratic constitution, a democratically elected government, democratically institutions and so forth, what is further needed is to continuously debate all those issues in the interest of the public and in the interest of the well-being of society through the means of the media (2003:419). Hence the demand for freedom of expression and the need for independent and critical media become imperative in Africa (Ronning, 1994:02). It will be an understatement if not a mistake to take it for granted that the media have a democratic role to play in Africa as a result of the dawn of democracy in the continent. A liberal pluralist approach which looks at whether the media fulfill the role of promoting a free exchange of ideas and opinions of informing the citizens in such a way that they are able to form opinions in a climate of independence must be taken if one is to understand the media structures. It is crucial to acknowledge that in most African countries the state used to control the media in all respects. Hence the role of the media in this continent is still mainly dominated by public service ideology. Thus the problematic role of the market in relation to the media has been underplayed, and consequently too little attention has been paid to a discussion of the media in relation to citizenââ¬â¢s rights (Ronning, 1994: 03). As a result of this development there are two main variations on the role of the media in an African context. The two are clearly defined by Ronning (1994) who see on the one hand, African critiques of the existing media who felt that strong state control only can be met by introducing market forces, and on the other hand government who see their influence of the media threatened and fear that they will loose control over the flow of information have had a tendency to regard all forms of independent media be they commercial or alternatively as mouthpieces for a political opposition. Considering some African governmentsââ¬â¢ perspectives on the role of the media it is very significant that one takes a liberal pluralist approach because it endeavours to closely observe and monitor the government activities. This is also important taking into task that the new democracies in most African countries need to be nurtured and preserved. To this effect McNair (1995) argues that the [media] should be free from government control and government influence, and there must be a free market for ideas and information. In other words, liberal pluralist approach shed some light on the exact relationship between the state and the media focusing on the implication of that relationship to rights of individuals. Hence the media becomes the ââ¬Ëwatchdogââ¬â¢ or ââ¬Å"the fourth estate through which the governing elites could be pressurized and reminded of their dependency on majority opinionâ⬠(Bennet, 1982:40-41). It is crucial at this stage to point the root or the origin of most if not all of Africaââ¬â¢s two main conflicting views and perspectives about the role of the media in society. One of the reasons that most African countries are wary of the media is the legacy left by their former colonizers. Most of the media structures during colonialism was used not in the interest and advantage of African countries. Hence the new regimes today feel that the media must play a developmental role. It is a general norm that most if not all African states ââ¬Å"advocate the positive use of the media to promote national development, autonomy and cultural identityâ⬠(Fourie, 2003:247). But this kind of theory is very much open to manipulation and abuse and can end up being used to the disadvantage of the media and democracy at large. Development theory is open to abuse and manipulation because certain liberties of the media should be made subordinate to the achievement of national development and economic development (Fourie, 2003:274). Some of the factors that makes development theory open to manipulation and abuse as discussed by McQuail in Fourie (2003) are that the state should be able to restrict the media if economic interests and development needs of the society are at stake, and that to protect development objectives, the state has the right to intervene by restricting and censoring the media. Hence in the latter factor state subsidies and direct control are therefore justifiable. Obviously these kinds of thinking pose several major problems for the media structure to operate as required in a democratic manner. To understand why the watchdog role of the media is relevant and necessary one also need to acknowledge the challenges the media face in the African continent. The problems were clearly captured b y Paul A. V. Ansah who ââ¬Å"pinpointed three major crises of the media in Africa; namely the crisis of power, the crisis of ownership and the crisis of resourcesâ⬠(Ronning, 1994: 3-19). The crisis of power According to Ronning (1994) the crisis of power has two sides. One is related to weakness of the African states and the other is related to weakness of the media themselves. Ronning argues that weak states are particularly suspicious of the media as this are seen as tools of sowing of dissident and as a result the states tried to control the media with the help of a ââ¬Å"variety of techniques ranging from outright censorship and oppression to more subtle means which often combine ownership with a system of economic awards to those in the media who tow the line, and reprisals against those who do notâ⬠(1994: 04). This perspective is also shared by Tetty (2001) who argues that a lot of governments in the African continent continue to impose judicial and extra judicial barriers on journalists and media houses in a manner which defeats the professed goals of democratic governance and the purpose behind constitutional provisions of a free press and freedom of expression. However the new democratic media are very sharp and resilient in reporting any incident of authoritarian abuse visited on pro-democracy activities. Hence the media have been very active in exposing activities within the state that would otherwise have been unknown to the citizenry (Tettey, 2001: 10). Tetty argues that it is through this kind of information that the populace is able to measure the pronouncements of politicians against their deeds, and hence make informed judgements about the political future of those individuals. In this regard the media can be seen to play a development role because the likelihood of exposure is also instrumental in, at least making government officials more circumspect in their activities. Moreover the media also impose a certain measure of accountability on the part of government officials that they did not have to worry about in the past (Tetty, 2001:10). In these processes of democratization, the media play a central role by mediating between views and opinions. Ronning contends that this way of using the media contrasts with the manner often ââ¬Å"employed in societies with weak states, where the media are linked directly to the state apparatus, and where they are often used for promoting various forms of personality cults of the head of state and other prominent politicians (1994: 04). Ronning also argues that the weakness of the African media in all aspects make itself vulnerable to be used in such undemocratic ways by the state. Obviously the fact that the media reach a small proportion of the population can be an advantage to the media. In other words government can let the media to broadcast or report unnoticed and unchecked if they know that they only reach a small number of audience. But that same advantage can be turned upside down by the state depending on the influence of target audience of the media. For instance, if the media target intellectuals the state can monitor its content. On the other hand the major disadvantage is that the state is the major news source. As a result the media have to rely on the state for the supply of news content. Hence if a news media is viewed in a negative light the supply of news comes with hidden strings attached. It is from this background that Tetty contends that in most African democracies, ââ¬Å"the parameters of freedom of expression and of the press continue to be determined by how well the contents of the particular print or electronic medium portray power brokers in a positive or, at least neutral light (2001:12). Practically this means that in the case where the state wishes are not fulfilled the media will be victimized. The state can starve the media concerned of news and advertising revenue by not placing government advertisements. Tetty argues that these acts of state intimidation continues to be the case even though there are legal provisions for dealing with cases of unsubstantiated or libelous reporting (2001:12). He maintains that it is ironic that several years after independence, a lot of African countries continue to retain colonial laws, which were used to intimidate anti-colonial activists, including some of the current leaders of these countries. Tetty contends, ââ¬Å"These anachronistic laws have stayed on the books because they now serve the political purpose of the post-colonial ruling elite. They have been employed under the guise of the rule of law and state security to undermine press freedom and freedom expression, as well as to intimidate journalistsâ⬠(2001:15). Moreover the professional media organizations are also weak in terms of underdeveloped infrastructures and distribution systems. In most cases journalist received poor training that result often in them becoming extended public relations officers for government officials. These facts have a negative impact on how journalists report their news. In many instances they will just go with what the government officials give them because they do not have enough resources to do further research and investigations of their own. Ronning contends that in such trying circumstances the media has little ability to present their case in times of crises as there are few parallel media outlets, and they cannot count on support from other media in the country, which would be the case in societies with a fully developed media structure (1994:04). As indicated earlier in this essay, weakness in terms of financial viability makes most of the private media not to be really independent. As a result they tend to push particular, not always objective, political agendas as more powerful partners dominate them. Tetty argues that in a free democratic society, the mediaââ¬â¢s credibility tends to be called into question, when they present themselves as ââ¬Å"disinterested surveyors of the political scene but when in reality their views and claims are tainted by narrow ethnic or political trappings, quite at variance with the interest of the nation which they tout as their motivational and call to serviceâ⬠(2001:22). Tetty further contends that in the worst scenarios the manner in which some of these media present their views has stretched the bounds of adversarial politics to the point where animosity appears to define the relationship between the state and journalists (ibid.). According to Tetty (2001) such circumstances led the citizen to begin to wonder whether the media are engaged in a campaign of vilification that would open up political opportunities for them when the current regime is replaced. It is obviously clear that once the citizen start to have such a negative perception about the media its credibility is at stake. It is also clear that much of the public is alienated by the extreme negativity which characterizes some of the contents from the media as acknowledged by The independent, a private Ghanaian newspaper (Tetty, 2001:22). Crisis of media ownership In the middle of who and how the media must report is the crisis of media ownership. According to Ronning (1994) the African crisis of ownership has three aspects. One is that the media in Africa to a large degree, in some way or other, are owned or economically controlled by the state. The result of this arrangement is much often that the media will be the mouthpiece of the government. The second is that international conglomerates often partly control the independent media with corporate interests in the national and regional economies. It is mainly from this side where the media try to play the ââ¬Å"watchdogâ⬠role over the government. But in the worst case is when the media take a pure pessimistic negative stance. The last aspect of media ownership is concerned with the so-called alternative media. Alternative media are often owned by small trusts, which again are controlled by a small group of allies and friends or are totally dependent on one personââ¬â¢s dedication (Ronning, 1994:04). Ronning contends that alternative media are faced both with being economically weak due both to low penetration in that they cater for special interests, have little access to advertising and lack proper distribution system (ibid.). Practically, in South Africa we have the Mail Guardian, which is a good example of this kind of ownership. Originally this newspaper, which had some foreign backing, catered for sophisticated readers that were mainly composed of intellectuals and academics. Hence the newspaper used to have great support of advertising revenue that comes from tertiary institutions. As such it used to play a very independent and active ââ¬Å"watchdogâ⬠role over the government activities. However after the newspaper experienced financial problems and eventually bought by Trevor Ncube the paper has to change its content drastically for it to survive the government relations. As a result the aggressive and investigative approach towards the government that the newspaper used to take has been softened in favour of advertisement revenues from the government. According to Ronning (1994) solutions to the crises of power and ownership have in a number of instances been sought through the establishment of various organs which represent a form of compromise between direct state control or ownership and private ownership such as press councils and media trusts. Ronning argues that the Zimbabwe Mass media Trust which controls among others, the majority of shares in the countryââ¬â¢s largest newspaper group, the national news agency, the regional newspaper project and the countryââ¬â¢s largest chain of bookstores is one of the most elaborate structures of this nature (1994: 04). Last year (April 2003), the South African government successfully launched a media structure to this effect through the Presidential Press Corps. In summary ââ¬Å"the Presidential Press Corps was born out of engagements between the South African National Editors Forum and the government during 2001. It [was] recognized that while, as in any democracy, there is a necessary tension between the government and the media, this need not be characterized by animosity as all sides are working towards the same goal of building a vibrant democracy that faces up to the challenge of reversing poverty and underdevelopment. It [was] agreed that the countrys most senior political writers should form into a corps which would, in a systematic way, be able to access information and gain a greater understanding of the work of governmentâ⬠(http//www.gcis.gov.za) Ronning warns that structures such as this point to dangers inherent in a situation where ââ¬Å"the dividing line between government interests and [journalists] independence are unclear and often carry with them a large degree of self-censorshipâ⬠(1994:05). This fact can be cleary understood if one looks into the Code of Conduct of the Presidential Press Corps (PPC) especially conducts ââ¬Ëbââ¬â¢ and ââ¬Ëdââ¬â¢: a. Normal adherence to journalistic principles and ethics b. Observance of on/off record, embargo agreements c. Protocol in briefing room (cell phone interruption, rowdiness, etc) d. Broadly accepted protocols and standards of behaviour in relation to state functions. (Source: http//www.gcis.gov.za) To make matters worse, in addition to the above, government reserves the right to adopt its own sanctions against any PPC member who is deemed by his/her peers to have violated the Code of Conduct. The crisis of resources According to Ronning (1994) the crisis of resources pertains to all levels of the media. It includes the experience and education of media personnel in Africa. It is a general and accepted fact that most of Africaââ¬â¢s media personnel levels of experience and education are generally low by international standards. Ronning argues that poor levels of experience and education are more problematic when it comes to electronic media. This is ironic considering the fact that radio is the most used and viable medium in Africa. The shortage of material resources is obviously one of the major disadvantages, which hamper the development of the media and also make the media vulnerable to political and economic pressure. For instance economical and technological disadvantages prevent most African countries to have as many community radio and television stations as they would like. Conclusion It is a fact that African politics and government structures can be very difficult to understand especially after the continent embraced democracy. The same can be said when it comes to understanding media structures and their content. This is mainly so because the essay has showed that the media in a democratic Africa has mainly two extremes functions. On the one hand the media play a ââ¬Å"watchdogâ⬠role and on the other it play public relations service to the government. Given these two extremes of media structures it is evident that not any media approach can help one to understand media structures within such a context. However it is also a fact that given the democratization of the Africa continent, the media must inform citizens on matters of public policy by presenting and debating alternatives. Hence the liberal pluralist approach appears to be the best approach in understanding African media structures because it looks into the media as a ââ¬Ëwatchdogââ¬â¢ that may uncover and publicise political corruption, other abuses of power, and inept policies. However it is also crucial that the problems of the media in Africa, such as the crisis of power, the crisis of ownership and the crisis of resources are acknowledged. A liberal pluralist approach that is only interested in ending state ownership and control of the media without considering alternatives will not shed valuable light. This has been experienced when certain media were freed from state control only to be swallowed by international interests. Hence Africa media becomes the dumping zones for old and often inferior western content. By and large what is important is that a liberal pluralist approach reminds journalists and state leaders that they are accountable to the nation. Research Papers on African Media Structures and ContentBringing Democracy to AfricaRelationship between Media Coverage and Social andAssess the importance of Nationalism 1815-1850 EuropeEffects of Television Violence on ChildrenBook Review on The Autobiography of Malcolm XQuebec and Canada19 Century Society: A Deeply Divided EraAnalysis Of A Cosmetics AdvertisementMarketing of Lifeboy Soap A Unilever ProductIncorporating Risk and Uncertainty Factor in Capital
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